Decades after the Troubles ended, former British troops still encounter the possibility of going on trial for potential crimes committed during the conflict. Getty
Decades after the Troubles ended, former British troops still encounter the possibility of going on trial for potential crimes committed during the conflict. Getty
Decades after the Troubles ended, former British troops still encounter the possibility of going on trial for potential crimes committed during the conflict. Getty
Decades after the Troubles ended, former British troops still encounter the possibility of going on trial for potential crimes committed during the conflict. Getty

The Troubles should not live on in British courts


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The collapse of a controversial trial involving two former British paratroopers accused of murdering an IRA gunman nearly 50 years ago has highlighted the extreme difficulties of bringing prosecutions relating to the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

The trial related to the case of Joe McCann, a notorious IRA commander in Belfast at the height of the unrest in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s. Apart from being held responsible for killing at least 10 British soldiers, he was also involved in the attempted assassination of the Ulster Unionist politician John Taylor in February, 1972.

McCann’s notoriety as one of the IRA’s most feared gunmen meant that he was soon at the top of the Royal Ulster Constabulary’s wanted list. So when McCann was spotted in Belfast by two RUC officers the following April, British paratroopers, who had been deployed to the province in support of the local police force, were asked to help the police detain him.

Some fear elderly veterans could be used as political pawns by Republican campaigners

But as the security forces approached, McCann, who had dyed his hair and was wearing glasses to disguise himself, attempted to flee, with the result that he was shot dead by the three paratroopers as they gave pursuit.

It soon transpired that, despite his previous history of violence, on this occasion McCann was not armed, prompting accusations from IRA sympathisers that he had been deliberately killed to avenge the deaths of British soldiers.

An inquiry undertaken by British military police immediately after the shooting subsequently decided that there had been no wrongdoing.

The fact that, nearly 50 years later, two surviving paratroopers involved in the shooting have found themselves on trial for murder in a Belfast court is mainly due to the Northern Ireland peace process masterminded by former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, which resulted in the 1998 Northern Ireland Agreement.

As part of the deal, the British government agreed to set up the Historical Enquiries Team, which began work in September, 2005 to investigate 3,269 unsolved murders committed during the Troubles.

Opinions are divided as to whether soldiers and terrorists should remain accountable. Reuters
Opinions are divided as to whether soldiers and terrorists should remain accountable. Reuters

And it was as part of this investigation that prosecutors in Northern Ireland believed they had uncovered sufficient evidence to prosecute the paratroopers – who are now frail and elderly – for murder, despite the fact that no evidence was found to press such charges at the time.

But the wisdom of seeking to achieve justice nearly five decades after the event has now been called into question after the trial collapsed earlier this week when the judge decided there was no fresh evidence, and acquitted the accused men.

This has provoked a political storm in Britain, with Conservative politicians accusing Northern Ireland prosecutors of indulging in a “witch hunt” against British Army veterans who served in Northern Ireland during the Troubles.

It has also prompted concern in military circles that Boris Johnson’s government is not doing more to protect military veterans from such prosecutions.

The sense of betrayal among veterans is particularly acute because, as part of the Good Friday Agreement, former IRA members accused of carrying out atrocities during the Troubles were given an amnesty by Mr Blair in an attempt to win Republican support for his deal.

As a result, an estimated 200 IRA members are said to have received letters from the British government assuring them that they were no longer wanted by the police, and will therefore not face prosecution for any crimes they may have committed.

Anne McCann, widow of Joe McCann, after two British soldiers were formally acquitted of murdering her husband. Reuters
Anne McCann, widow of Joe McCann, after two British soldiers were formally acquitted of murdering her husband. Reuters

The injustice of this arrangement, whereby members of the IRA have, in effect, been granted immunity from prosecution, while British military veterans of the Troubles face the prospect of being put on trial, is particularly controversial following accusations that Sinn Fein, the party which represents the Republican community in the Northern Ireland Assembly, is driving the prosecutions.

Prior to the trial commencing, legal experts raised concerns that the case against the two accused – referred to in court as Soldier A and Soldier B – contained serious flaws, and was unlikely to result in a conviction. Even so, Barra McGrory, Northern Ireland’s director of public prosecutions, gave the go-ahead for the trial, prompting accusations that the prosecution of the two paratroopers was politically motivated.

This has raised concerns that elderly veterans of the conflict are being used as political pawns by Republican campaigners seeking to highlight British wrongdoing in the conflict.

Apart from the two paratroopers who were accused of McCann’s murder, there are said to be another 200 cases under review by Northern Ireland prosecutors which could lead to further charges being laid against British veterans.

Mr Johnson’s government is now coming under pressure to enact legislation that will provide some measure of protection for them.

The extent of the anger felt by former officers at the treatment of their colleagues was expressed by General Sir Peter Wall, who served as the head of the British Army during Mr Cameron’s premiership.

“It's an utter disgrace that former soldiers going about their duty on operations can be brought to court on such flawed evidence 50 years later,” he said. “This is a politically motivated witch-hunt and it has to stop. It's not too late for the Government to step in and regain some trust from its veterans.”

British ministers have previously pledged to take action that would provide better protection for military veterans from historical prosecutions. There have recently been reports of a possible statute of limitations to exempt former soldiers and terrorists from standing trial over alleged crimes committed before 1998, the year that the Good Friday agreement was signed.

While the British government has initiated action to protect troops from historical allegations relating to British involvement in the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, they have so far shied away from taking similar measures relating to Northern Ireland for fear of alienating Sinn Fein, whose support is deemed crucial to maintaining the peace in the province. Even if Mr Johnson is being forced to consider new legislation, whether he acts on it remains an entirely different matter. But with anger mounting over the treatment of British veterans of the Northern Ireland conflict, he may soon realise that it is in his political interests to provide Britain's soldiers with better protection against historical allegations than giving in to the calls of Irish Republicans.

Con Coughlin is a defence and foreign affairs columnist for The National

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

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Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

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“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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How the UAE gratuity payment is calculated now

Employees leaving an organisation are entitled to an end-of-service gratuity after completing at least one year of service.

The tenure is calculated on the number of days worked and does not include lengthy leave periods, such as a sabbatical. If you have worked for a company between one and five years, you are paid 21 days of pay based on your final basic salary. After five years, however, you are entitled to 30 days of pay. The total lump sum you receive is based on the duration of your employment.

1. For those who have worked between one and five years, on a basic salary of Dh10,000 (calculation based on 30 days):

a. Dh10,000 ÷ 30 = Dh333.33. Your daily wage is Dh333.33

b. Dh333.33 x 21 = Dh7,000. So 21 days salary equates to Dh7,000 in gratuity entitlement for each year of service. Multiply this figure for every year of service up to five years.

2. For those who have worked more than five years

c. 333.33 x 30 = Dh10,000. So 30 days’ salary is Dh10,000 in gratuity entitlement for each year of service.

Note: The maximum figure cannot exceed two years total salary figure.

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