The collapse of a controversial trial involving two former British paratroopers accused of murdering an IRA gunman nearly 50 years ago has highlighted the extreme difficulties of bringing prosecutions relating to the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
The trial related to the case of Joe McCann, a notorious IRA commander in Belfast at the height of the unrest in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s. Apart from being held responsible for killing at least 10 British soldiers, he was also involved in the attempted assassination of the Ulster Unionist politician John Taylor in February, 1972.
McCann’s notoriety as one of the IRA’s most feared gunmen meant that he was soon at the top of the Royal Ulster Constabulary’s wanted list. So when McCann was spotted in Belfast by two RUC officers the following April, British paratroopers, who had been deployed to the province in support of the local police force, were asked to help the police detain him.
Some fear elderly veterans could be used as political pawns by Republican campaigners
But as the security forces approached, McCann, who had dyed his hair and was wearing glasses to disguise himself, attempted to flee, with the result that he was shot dead by the three paratroopers as they gave pursuit.
It soon transpired that, despite his previous history of violence, on this occasion McCann was not armed, prompting accusations from IRA sympathisers that he had been deliberately killed to avenge the deaths of British soldiers.
An inquiry undertaken by British military police immediately after the shooting subsequently decided that there had been no wrongdoing.
The fact that, nearly 50 years later, two surviving paratroopers involved in the shooting have found themselves on trial for murder in a Belfast court is mainly due to the Northern Ireland peace process masterminded by former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, which resulted in the 1998 Northern Ireland Agreement.
As part of the deal, the British government agreed to set up the Historical Enquiries Team, which began work in September, 2005 to investigate 3,269 unsolved murders committed during the Troubles.
And it was as part of this investigation that prosecutors in Northern Ireland believed they had uncovered sufficient evidence to prosecute the paratroopers – who are now frail and elderly – for murder, despite the fact that no evidence was found to press such charges at the time.
But the wisdom of seeking to achieve justice nearly five decades after the event has now been called into question after the trial collapsed earlier this week when the judge decided there was no fresh evidence, and acquitted the accused men.
This has provoked a political storm in Britain, with Conservative politicians accusing Northern Ireland prosecutors of indulging in a “witch hunt” against British Army veterans who served in Northern Ireland during the Troubles.
It has also prompted concern in military circles that Boris Johnson’s government is not doing more to protect military veterans from such prosecutions.
The sense of betrayal among veterans is particularly acute because, as part of the Good Friday Agreement, former IRA members accused of carrying out atrocities during the Troubles were given an amnesty by Mr Blair in an attempt to win Republican support for his deal.
As a result, an estimated 200 IRA members are said to have received letters from the British government assuring them that they were no longer wanted by the police, and will therefore not face prosecution for any crimes they may have committed.
The injustice of this arrangement, whereby members of the IRA have, in effect, been granted immunity from prosecution, while British military veterans of the Troubles face the prospect of being put on trial, is particularly controversial following accusations that Sinn Fein, the party which represents the Republican community in the Northern Ireland Assembly, is driving the prosecutions.
Prior to the trial commencing, legal experts raised concerns that the case against the two accused – referred to in court as Soldier A and Soldier B – contained serious flaws, and was unlikely to result in a conviction. Even so, Barra McGrory, Northern Ireland’s director of public prosecutions, gave the go-ahead for the trial, prompting accusations that the prosecution of the two paratroopers was politically motivated.
This has raised concerns that elderly veterans of the conflict are being used as political pawns by Republican campaigners seeking to highlight British wrongdoing in the conflict.
Apart from the two paratroopers who were accused of McCann’s murder, there are said to be another 200 cases under review by Northern Ireland prosecutors which could lead to further charges being laid against British veterans.
Mr Johnson’s government is now coming under pressure to enact legislation that will provide some measure of protection for them.
The extent of the anger felt by former officers at the treatment of their colleagues was expressed by General Sir Peter Wall, who served as the head of the British Army during Mr Cameron’s premiership.
“It's an utter disgrace that former soldiers going about their duty on operations can be brought to court on such flawed evidence 50 years later,” he said. “This is a politically motivated witch-hunt and it has to stop. It's not too late for the Government to step in and regain some trust from its veterans.”
British ministers have previously pledged to take action that would provide better protection for military veterans from historical prosecutions. There have recently been reports of a possible statute of limitations to exempt former soldiers and terrorists from standing trial over alleged crimes committed before 1998, the year that the Good Friday agreement was signed.
While the British government has initiated action to protect troops from historical allegations relating to British involvement in the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, they have so far shied away from taking similar measures relating to Northern Ireland for fear of alienating Sinn Fein, whose support is deemed crucial to maintaining the peace in the province. Even if Mr Johnson is being forced to consider new legislation, whether he acts on it remains an entirely different matter. But with anger mounting over the treatment of British veterans of the Northern Ireland conflict, he may soon realise that it is in his political interests to provide Britain's soldiers with better protection against historical allegations than giving in to the calls of Irish Republicans.
Con Coughlin is a defence and foreign affairs columnist for The National
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Favourite film:
Declan: It was The Commitments but now it’s Bohemian Rhapsody.
Heidi: The Long Kiss Goodnight.
Favourite holiday destination:
Declan: Las Vegas but I also love getting home to Ireland and seeing everyone back home.
Heidi: Australia but my dream destination would be to go to Cuba.
Favourite pastime:
Declan: I love brunching and socializing. Just basically having the craic.
Heidi: Paddleboarding and swimming.
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Declan: Take chances.
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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.
Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.
“Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.
“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.
Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.
From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.
Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.
BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.
Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.
Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.
“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.
Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.
“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.
“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”
The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”
Getting there
The flights
Flydubai operates up to seven flights a week to Helsinki. Return fares to Helsinki from Dubai start from Dh1,545 in Economy and Dh7,560 in Business Class.
The stay
Golden Crown Igloos in Levi offer stays from Dh1,215 per person per night for a superior igloo; www.leviniglut.net
Panorama Hotel in Levi is conveniently located at the top of Levi fell, a short walk from the gondola. Stays start from Dh292 per night based on two people sharing; www. golevi.fi/en/accommodation/hotel-levi-panorama
Arctic Treehouse Hotel in Rovaniemi offers stays from Dh1,379 per night based on two people sharing; www.arctictreehousehotel.com
SCORES IN BRIEF
Lahore Qalandars 186 for 4 in 19.4 overs
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(Jonathan Tattersall 36, Harry Brook 37, Gary Ballance 33, Adam Lyth 32, Shaheen Afridi 2-36).
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UAE currency: the story behind the money in your pockets
Avatar: Fire and Ash
Director: James Cameron
Starring: Sam Worthington, Sigourney Weaver, Zoe Saldana
Rating: 4.5/5
if you go
The flights
Air Astana flies direct from Dubai to Almaty from Dh2,440 per person return, and to Astana (via Almaty) from Dh2,930 return, both including taxes.
The hotels
Rooms at the Ritz-Carlton Almaty cost from Dh1,944 per night including taxes; and in Astana the new Ritz-Carlton Astana (www.marriott) costs from Dh1,325; alternatively, the new St Regis Astana costs from Dh1,458 per night including taxes.
When to visit
March-May and September-November
Visas
Citizens of many countries, including the UAE do not need a visa to enter Kazakhstan for up to 30 days. Contact the nearest Kazakhstan embassy or consulate.