epa06496015 Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses the Bhartya Janta Party (BJP) 'Parivartan' public rally meeting in Bangalore, India, 04 February 2018. Thousands of BJP workers and leaders attended to listen the speech of their BJP leader Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ahead of Karnataka state Assembly polls.  EPA/JAGADEESH NV
Narendra Modi. EPA

India's plan for the world's largest public healthcare system is a big idea, but is it doomed to failure?



India has one of the largest railway networks in the world and now it wants to put in place the largest public healthcare system.

It's a worthy aspiration but so far, the February 1 announcement goes no further than that. No one knows how the grandly named National Health Protection Scheme will be funded, structured, managed or made to work. Will the plan prove to be a bromide or a bracing change for half-a-billion Indians too poor or too far out in the hinterland to have access to the most basic healthcare?

There's no shortage of cheerleaders, though. India's finance minister Arun Jaitley has gone so far as to call the plan "Modicare" in tribute to his boss, prime minister Narendra Modi. But the transparent attempt to create some resonance with Obamacare, the nickname for the largest overhaul of the US healthcare system since the 1960s, is surely misleading and unwise. One can only hope the similarities between tomorrow's Modicare and the eight-year-old Obamacare extend no further than popular terminology and basic good intentions.

India cannot afford to doom one of the most important programmes it will ever run for its peoples’ health and wellbeing to the bitterness and uncertainty that has marked Obamacare.

Bouts of political squabbling in the US have periodically put Obamacare, officially known as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, on life support. It staggers on at this point of time, despite disfiguring political cut and thrust. But it is sorely weakened, the guiding principle of basic health for all somehow lost in the white noise of political debate.

That said, Obamacare has some significant successes, not least the steady reduction of the percentage of Americans without health insurance to a thin sliver of the population. This has enabled poor Americans to get timely treatment for chronic diseases such as diabetes that are common, costly and either debilitating or fatal if left unaddressed. But overall, Obamacare can justifiably be said to be in indifferent health.

What of Modicare? As yet unborn, it obviously has no health profile, but its conceptual genes at least are good. Mr Modi’s government seems to be painfully aware that health care remains a dream too far for most Indians. This epiphany is laudable in a country that prides itself on its portrayal as an emerging superpower but has offered little in the way of social protection to its people. To give 40 per cent of India’s population the chance of basic healthcare would be a revolution without bloodshed and barricades. It is reminiscent of Rajiv Gandhi’s move to computerise Indian Railways in the 1980s, pulling India into the 20th century just as it was almost over.

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Even so, Modicare comes with a health warning. This is the second time in his prime ministerial tenure that Mr Modi’s government has proposed a sweeping healthcare plan for the poor. The first – in 2016 – led to the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana, a barely funded, indifferently managed scheme. Experts such as Dipa Sinha, professor of economics at New Delhi’s Ambedkar University, say the RSBY two years on, “has neither managed to significantly reduce out-of-pocket expenditure nor has it increased access to healthcare for the poor.”

What makes the new proposal different is timing. It was announced in Mr Modi’s last budget before the 2019 general election, a sign that the governing party recognises the voters’ yearning for compassionate care and is anxious to be seen as delivering. To this end, the government has stoutly affirmed its determination to cover health care costs of up to $7,800 for 100 million poor families and spend some $188 million to create “health and wellness” centres. A new surtax, which will raise roughly $1.7 billion a year specifically for health care programmes, is supposed to show the seriousness of the Modicare endeavour.

This is encouraging but still too little for a scheme meant to be up and running a year from now, saving lives and limbs and impecunious families from the crushing burden of debt. India's budgetary allocation for health has long languished at just over one per cent of GDP (China spends three times as much) and there is little indication this might change any time soon. Unsurprisingly, India's largest national daily, The Times of India, described Modicare as "a tough ask".

And yet, it’s hard to see exactly why this is such a tough ask. Even Malawi, one of the world's worst-HIV-hit countries and with a GDP per capita of around $350, has managed to provide universal free health services. Tiny Costa Rica, with a much smaller economy than India, has a superb universal healthcare scheme. China, which has a bigger population than India, has created various health programmes to cover rural and urban areas and is now focused on harnessing technology to ensure access, affordability and quality. India doesn’t need Modicare, a branded health system, so much as care, period.

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Author: Michael Knights

Pages: 256

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Dengue fever symptoms
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Dialysis is a way of cleaning your blood when your kidneys fail and can no longer do the job.

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Our legal columnist

Name: Yousef Al Bahar

Advocate at Al Bahar & Associate Advocates and Legal Consultants, established in 1994

Education: Mr Al Bahar was born in 1979 and graduated in 2008 from the Judicial Institute. He took after his father, who was one of the first Emirati lawyers

Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

Another general trend in the region is clients’ looking for a comprehensive approach to investing, according to Mr AbuShaban.

“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

“What we have seen is a desire for higher returns in what has been a low-return environment specifically in various fixed income or bonds,” he said.

“In this environment, we have seen a de facto increase in the risk that clients are taking in things like illiquid investments, private equity investments, infrastructure and private debt, those kind of investments were higher illiquidity results in incrementally higher returns.”

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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Developer: Big Ape Productions
Publisher: LucasArts
Console: PlayStation 1 & 5, Sega Saturn
Rating: 4/5