Some thirty Syrian refugees from different camps seeking asylum hold banners in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2012. The Denmark government announced recently its decision to send Syrian refugees back. AP Photo
Some thirty Syrian refugees from different camps seeking asylum hold banners in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2012. The Denmark government announced recently its decision to send Syrian refugees back. AP Photo
Some thirty Syrian refugees from different camps seeking asylum hold banners in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2012. The Denmark government announced recently its decision to send Syrian refugees back. AP Photo
Some thirty Syrian refugees from different camps seeking asylum hold banners in Copenhagen, Denmark, in 2012. The Denmark government announced recently its decision to send Syrian refugees back. AP Ph

Denmark is returning Syrians to their abusers


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Last week, the Danish government stripped residency status from 94 Syrian refugees in the country, in preparation for deporting them back to Syria, after determining that the war-torn nation is now apparently safe enough for refugees to return.

The move appears to be an effort to stave off a challenge from the anti-immigrant far right in Denmark, by becoming even more xenophobic than them. The implication is that this is the first in a series of reviews of the status of the few thousand Syrian refugees who fled torture, death and chemical attacks to what they thought were safer shores, with the aim of achieving the questionable goal of zero asylum seekers within a few years.

There is no sugar-coating this travesty. If Denmark sends back refugees to Syria, it almost certainly will have blood on its hands.

Syrian refugees Dania and Hussam are facing deportation from Denmark. Courtsey of Dania and Hussam
Syrian refugees Dania and Hussam are facing deportation from Denmark. Courtsey of Dania and Hussam

It is important first to debunk this utter fiction that Syria is a safe country for returnees. Just because the conflict is no longer in the news due to the pandemic and the military stalemate, and the government of Bashar Al Assad is not right this moment actively bombing homes, schools and hospitals (although they did that again a couple of weeks ago) or starving rebellious cities to death or dropping sarin gas on residential areas does not mean the country is safe.

The UN does not consider Syria a safe country for refugees to return to. This is based on a number of different factors, including the overall security situation in the country, the significant protection risks to returnees that make it difficult to achieve what the UN describes as "voluntary, safe and dignified return", and the fact that sustainable, large-scale returns are impossible due to the absence of livelihood opportunities, shortages of food and water, lack of access to health care and social services, as well as the difficulty for children to have an education due to the fact that many schools have been bombed in the course of the conflict.

Let us unpack these factors.

First, refugees and asylum seekers, particularly those who were involved in opposition activities or come from rebellious communities, risk being arbitrarily detained, forcibly disappeared, drafted into the military, or tortured upon their return. Several such cases have been reported by human rights organisations and media outlets.

One prominent case that was at the centre of a recent Washington Post investigation is the case of the activist Mazen Al Hamada, who was tortured by the Assad regime and fled to the Netherlands, and subsequently appeared in a documentary in which he recounted brutal torture while imprisoned for his activism. Al Hamada returned to Syria after suffering from depression and being unable to acclimatise to his new home, with the possible encouragement of regime henchmen. He has not been heard from since landing in Damascus airport, likely disappeared in the regime's network of torture chambers and dungeons where tens of thousands still languish.

Despite the government's military victory in the 10-year conflict, its absolute lack of interest in compromise has meant that a peace settlement remains a pipe dream, which has subsequently meant that no reconstruction funds have made their way into the destroyed country. The economic collapse of neighbouring Lebanon has also led to a shortage in hard currency and an economic crisis, with ordinary people unable to afford basic staples, long lines for fuel, persistent electricity cuts, extreme poverty, mass unemployment, an economy run by ascendant militiamen and warlords, and general hopelessness.

Syria is also battling an underreported coronavirus pandemic, with the country so destitute that it is unable to afford the necessary public health measures to limit infections. The prospect of widespread vaccinations is limited, and the healthcare system has been utterly destroyed in terms of physical hospital structures in the war and the flight of personnel like doctors, as well as the absence of medical equipment. The economic and political crisis has stripped the government of its ability to provide for its citizenry while also reining in the powerful militias and security agencies and structures that won the war for it.

Finally, the war is not over and violence can flare up at any time. Most of the province of Idlib bordering Turkey is still outside government control, and the regime carried out large-scale military attacks there as recently as a year ago, just at the outset of the pandemic, and its advance was only halted when Ankara intervened militarily. The prospect of violence, and its realisation, could send more refugees seeking shelter across the border.

Syrian President Bashar Al Assad sacked the governor of war-ravaged Syria’s central bank amid a crash in the currency in recent months. AP
Syrian President Bashar Al Assad sacked the governor of war-ravaged Syria’s central bank amid a crash in the currency in recent months. AP
Denmark's move appears to be an effort to stave off a challenge from the anti-immigrant far right, by becoming even more xenophobic than them

Back in November, the Syrian government organised a conference on refugee returns that was widely derided as a joke. It was apparently a joke even to the organisers, with one attendee in a hot mic moment making the observation that most of those inside Syria wanted to get out.

But Denmark's actions are far from amusing. Though it is in line with a largely craven and hypocritical response to the refugee crisis in a number of European countries, one that gave primacy to xenophobia and the ethnic and racial purity of the continent over its vaunted enlightenment values, it is cruel beyond measure. Not letting people in is one thing. Sending them back out into the maelstrom is another.

Kareem Shaheen is a veteran Middle East correspondent in Canada and a columnist for The National

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Mercer, the investment consulting arm of US services company Marsh & McLennan, expects its wealth division to at least double its assets under management (AUM) in the Middle East as wealth in the region continues to grow despite economic headwinds, a company official said.

Mercer Wealth, which globally has $160 billion in AUM, plans to boost its AUM in the region to $2-$3bn in the next 2-3 years from the present $1bn, said Yasir AbuShaban, a Dubai-based principal with Mercer Wealth.

Within the next two to three years, we are looking at reaching $2 to $3 billion as a conservative estimate and we do see an opportunity to do so,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Mercer does not directly make investments, but allocates clients’ money they have discretion to, to professional asset managers. They also provide advice to clients.

“We have buying power. We can negotiate on their (client’s) behalf with asset managers to provide them lower fees than they otherwise would have to get on their own,” he added.

Mercer Wealth’s clients include sovereign wealth funds, family offices, and insurance companies among others.

From its office in Dubai, Mercer also looks after Africa, India and Turkey, where they also see opportunity for growth.

Wealth creation in Middle East and Africa (MEA) grew 8.5 per cent to $8.1 trillion last year from $7.5tn in 2015, higher than last year’s global average of 6 per cent and the second-highest growth in a region after Asia-Pacific which grew 9.9 per cent, according to consultancy Boston Consulting Group (BCG). In the region, where wealth grew just 1.9 per cent in 2015 compared with 2014, a pickup in oil prices has helped in wealth generation.

BCG is forecasting MEA wealth will rise to $12tn by 2021, growing at an annual average of 8 per cent.

Drivers of wealth generation in the region will be split evenly between new wealth creation and growth of performance of existing assets, according to BCG.

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“Institutional investors or some of the families are seeing a slowdown in the available capital they have to invest and in that sense they are looking at optimizing the way they manage their portfolios and making sure they are not investing haphazardly and different parts of their investment are working together,” said Mr AbuShaban.

Some clients also have a higher appetite for risk, given the low interest-rate environment that does not provide enough yield for some institutional investors. These clients are keen to invest in illiquid assets, such as private equity and infrastructure.

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The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, one of the largest sovereign wealth funds, said in its 2016 report that has gradually increased its exposure in direct private equity and private credit transactions, mainly in Asian markets and especially in China and India. The authority’s private equity department focused on structured equities owing to “their defensive characteristics.”

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