Men armed with machetes make their way to street clashes with police in Durban, South Africa. Tebogo Letsie / AP Photo
Men armed with machetes make their way to street clashes with police in Durban, South Africa. Tebogo Letsie / AP Photo

Apartheid economics divides the rainbow nation



The xenophobic violence gripping South Africa will probably die down in the coming days, but the underlying reasons for the outbreak won’t dissipate soon.

The current spate of violence directed at African nationals was fuelled by remarks by the Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, who told supporters that foreigners were everywhere and that they “dirty” South African streets with their “unsightly goods”. The king also called on the South African government to ask foreigners, whom he compared to “lice”, to pack their bags and return to their countries of origin. The remarks sparked riots, similar to those that engulfed the country in 2008, leaving seven dead, hundreds injured, thousands displaced and many foreign-owned shops destroyed.

Why is the scourge of racial street violence engulfing the rainbow nation? The South African press has been awash in explanations, most of which focus on the slow pace of racial integration since the fall of the apartheid regime in 1994.

The machete-wielding attackers are poor South Africans and they have found a convenient scapegoat in African migrants and asylum seekers who arrive in South Africa as a result of violence in their home countries or to look for a better economic future.

Perceived South African exceptionalism also plays a factor. There is a commonly held belief that South Africa maintains a singular place on the African continent. The apartheid experience was singular. The wealth and diversity of the economy is singular. Therefore, South Africans approach immigration and the presence of black foreigners with a particularly isolationist view. While the country has one of the strongest economies on the continent, this view is limited given the role that many African countries played in the toppling of the apartheid regime.

The underlying reason for this violence boils down to economics. Apartheid, at its core, was driven as much by economic interests as racism. The regime was structured to ensure that a select minority – the white population – maintained total dominance over the country’s mineral wealth. Racial legislation was merely the vehicle by which this system of colonialism was administered.

When apartheid ended in 1994, South Africa was unable to break free from this economic infrastructure, partly due to the concentration of wealth and the fact that the country’s resources were not nationalised, as they were in Zimbabwe. The white minority lost its government but it gained international acceptance – former president FW de Klerk even received a Nobel Peace Prize. More importantly, it maintained control over the economy it closely guarded.

While there have been many important achievements since 1994, including the creation of one of the most progressive constitutions on earth, the African National Congress has failed to unravel the system of economic exploitation and injustice that apartheid entrenched in South African society. It is no coincidence that expelled ANC firebrand Julius Malema recently started his own political party called the Economic Freedom Fighters.

Looking at the country today, we can see important lessons for other conflict areas around the world, especially in Israel and Palestine. In apartheid South Africa, the minority population sought to control the country’s mineral wealth by any means necessary. It does so in democratic South Africa as well. The same can be said of Israel, which maintains its occupation of the West Bank not for security reasons but to control water resources and use the Palestinian territories as a giant laboratory for its expansive weapons industry.

Resolving the ethnic, racial and religious fault lines in these countries is the easy part, as unlikely as that statement might seem in Israel and Palestine. Unravelling the economic structures that allow a select few to dominate a country’s wealth is the hard part. Until the distribution of wealth is better addressed in South Africa, xenophobic violence will continue to rear its ugly head.

jdana@thenational.ae

On Twitter: @ibnezra

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Engine: 3.5-litre supercharged V6

Power: 416hp at 7,000rpm

Torque: 410Nm at 3,500rpm

Transmission: 6-speed manual

Fuel consumption: 10.2 l/100km

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On sale: now 

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Name: Almnssa
Started: August 2020
Founder: Areej Selmi
Based: Gaza
Sectors: Internet, e-commerce
Investments: Grants/private funding
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Name: HyperSpace
 
Started: 2020
 
Founders: Alexander Heller, Rama Allen and Desi Gonzalez
 
Based: Dubai, UAE
 
Sector: Entertainment 
 
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Vinicius de Oliveira (BRA) bt Xavier Alaoui (MAR)
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Catchweight 68kg:
Sean Soriano (USA) bt Noad Lahat (ISR)
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Middleweight:
Denis Tiuliulin (RUS) bt Juscelino Ferreira (BRA)
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Lightweight:
Anas Siraj Mounir (MAR) bt Joachim Tollefsen (DEN)
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Catchweight 68kg:
Austin Arnett (USA) bt Daniel Vega (MEX)
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Carrington Banks (USA) bt Marcio Andrade (BRA)
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Catchweight 58kg:
Corinne Laframboise (CAN) bt Malin Hermansson (SWE)
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Jalal Al Daaja (CAN) bt Juares Dea (CMR)
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Middleweight:
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Featherweight:
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Catchweight 54kg:
Mariagiovanna Vai (ITA) bt Daniella Shutov (ISR)
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Joan Arastey (ESP) bt Omran Chaaban (LEB)
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Bantamweight: Jalal Al Daaja (JOR) beat Hamza Bougamza (MAR)

Catchweight 67kg: Mohamed El Mesbahi (MAR) beat Fouad Mesdari (ALG)

Lightweight: Abdullah Mohammed Ali (UAE) beat Abdelhak Amhidra (MAR)

Catchweight 73kg: Mosatafa Ibrahim Radi (PAL) beat Yazid Chouchane (ALG)

Middleweight: Yousri Belgaroui (TUN) beat Badreddine Diani (MAR)

Catchweight 78KG: Rashed Dawood (UAE) beat Adnan Bushashy (ALG)

Middleweight: Sallah-Eddine Dekhissi (MAR) beat Abdel Enam (EGY)

Catchweight 65kg: Yanis Ghemmouri (ALG) beat Rachid Hazoume (MAR)

Lightweight: Mohammed Yahya (UAE) beat Azouz Anwar (EGY)

Catchweight 79kg: Souhil Tahiri (ALG) beat Omar Hussein (PAL)

Middleweight: Tarek Suleiman (SYR) beat Laid Zerhouni (ALG)

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7.40pm: Longines Equestrian Collection Dh150,000 Maiden 1,600m.
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TEACHERS' PAY - WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW

Pay varies significantly depending on the school, its rating and the curriculum. Here's a rough guide as of January 2021:

- top end schools tend to pay Dh16,000-17,000 a month - plus a monthly housing allowance of up to Dh6,000. These tend to be British curriculum schools rated 'outstanding' or 'very good', followed by American schools

- average salary across curriculums and skill levels is about Dh10,000, recruiters say

- it is becoming more common for schools to provide accommodation, sometimes in an apartment block with other teachers, rather than hand teachers a cash housing allowance

- some strong performing schools have cut back on salaries since the pandemic began, sometimes offering Dh16,000 including the housing allowance, which reflects the slump in rental costs, and sheer demand for jobs

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