Iran's growing influence in Iraq since the US invasion in 2003 has been cause for enormous concern for many in the Middle East and beyond. But a growing economic rivalry between Tehran and Baghdad has attracted little attention.
Nowhere is this rivalry clearer than in India, where Iraq is emerging as an economic partner instead of Iran. Iraq's economic relations with India might also have implications for stability in this region.
Last month, Indian external affairs minister, Salman Khurshid, became the first Indian official to visit Iraq in 23 years. He emphasised India's commitment "to participate in rebuilding the infrastructure in Iraq". He went on to suggest that New Delhi wants "to look beyond all sectors" and that the priority India is giving to Iraq "will become more intense and stronger" in coming years.
Though Iraq remains mired in sectarian violence, it has been keen to attract Indian investment. Iraq is keen to revive bilateral ties with India and is seeking to take the relationship beyond that of oil buyer and seller. The Iraqi foreign minister, Hoshyar Zebari, invited Indian companies to invest in Iraq saying, "there are many places in the country which are peaceful and stable" .
With the world's third largest proven oil reserves, Iraq has replaced Iran as India's second largest crude oil supplier after Saudi Arabia. Iraq intends to double its output of 3.15 million barrels a day of crude by 2020 and is planning to increase its oil exports to Asian economies from the present 50 per cent to around 80 per cent by 2030. During the last fiscal year (2012-13), Iraq accounted for about 13 per cent of India's total crude oil imports.
India's petroleum and natural gas minister, M Veerappa Moily, visited Iraq earlier this month for the India-Iraq Joint Commission - which is designed to boost economic relations between the two countries - as part of Iraq's vigorous efforts to reach out to India.
In a bid to cement its position as one of India's main oil suppliers, Iraq has offered India three newly-discovered oil blocks in the Middle Furat oilfields in Karbala and has agreed to consider investing in Indian Oil Corporation's 15 million tonne Paradip refinery. It has not only offered to extend 60-day credit for crude sales to India but has also agreed to restart negotiations with India's ONGC Videsh Ltd to finalise the long-pending contract for oil block 8, an on-land exploration block in the western desert in Iraq. Iraq has assured India it is willing to provide as much crude as it can to fulfil the requirements of the growing Indian economy.
After the war in 2003, New Delhi consistently ignored Baghdad and refused to seriously engage with the democratic process in the country. Even as Iraq needed external support to rebuild its war-ravaged economy, India remained reluctant for fear of getting entangled in Iraq's domestic sectarian turmoil. Though India shares strong cultural and historical ties with Iraq, and despite the fact that Indian businesses had a strong presence in the country in the 1990s, India's recent hands-off approach has made it a marginal player in the country.
But with the recent visit of the external affairs minister, India has signalled a new willingness to reach out to Baghdad. And the warm reception Mr Khurshid received indicates the Maliki government views India as a serious regional and global partner.
This partnership comes at a time when turmoils in Syria, Egypt, Turkey and Palestine need regional and global attention. New Delhi and Baghdad are both keen to see stability return to this strategically crucial region.
Meanwhile, India's ties with Iran are facing difficulties. Under pressure from the West, the Indian government was forced to ask its refiners to cut imports from Iran by 10 to 15 per cent, even as Iran has tried to sell extra volumes to those refiners on long-credit terms. India has also struggled to find ways to pay Iran after the United States made dollar transactions almost impossible under financial sanctions. Indian oil companies are finding it hard to get vessels to transport Iranian cargo because of western sanctions. And Shipping Corporation of India, India's largest domestic tanker owner, has refused to provide its tankers to the Indian Oil Corporation for lifting Iranian oil. As a consequence, Iran's contribution to Indian oil imports is declining.
Iraq has replaced Iran as the second largest crude oil supplier to India as the Indian government has unofficially asked its top importers to cut shipments from Iran -though the US has exempted India, along with eight other countries, from financial sanctions for significantly reducing their dependence on Iranian oil. During the years of 2012 and 2013, India's oil imports from Iran declined by more than 26 per cent. In contrast to 10.5 per cent last year, Iran supplies now account for 7.2 per cent of India's oil imports.
To salvage its economic profile in India, Iran responded last week by offering India's state-owned oil companies production-sharing contracts in a departure from its usual practice of offering Indian companies 15 per cent fixed returns under a buy-back contract with the national oil company of Iran. There have also been reports that Tehran has offered to ship gas to Oman where it can be processed into liquefied natural gas which can then be shipped to India.
It is not clear if this would be enough to make Iran an attractive energy partner for India at a time when Iraq is going all out to woo India. But what is clear is that this economic competition between Baghdad and Tehran will not stop in New Delhi but will be replicated elsewhere.
Dr Harsh V Pant is a reader in international studies at King's College London
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Label: Parlophone/Atlantic
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Soft power was first mentioned in 1990 by former US Defence Secretary Joseph Nye.
He believed that there were alternative ways of cultivating support from other countries, instead of achieving goals using military strength.
Soft power is, at its root, the ability to convince other states to do what you want without force.
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Key figures in the life of the fort
Sheikh Dhiyab bin Isa (ruled 1761-1793) Built Qasr Al Hosn as a watchtower to guard over the only freshwater well on Abu Dhabi island.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Dhiyab (ruled 1793-1816) Expanded the tower into a small fort and transferred his ruling place of residence from Liwa Oasis to the fort on the island.
Sheikh Tahnoon bin Shakhbut (ruled 1818-1833) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further as Abu Dhabi grew from a small village of palm huts to a town of more than 5,000 inhabitants.
Sheikh Khalifa bin Shakhbut (ruled 1833-1845) Repaired and fortified the fort.
Sheikh Saeed bin Tahnoon (ruled 1845-1855) Turned Qasr Al Hosn into a strong two-storied structure.
Sheikh Zayed bin Khalifa (ruled 1855-1909) Expanded Qasr Al Hosn further to reflect the emirate's increasing prominence.
Sheikh Shakhbut bin Sultan (ruled 1928-1966) Renovated and enlarged Qasr Al Hosn, adding a decorative arch and two new villas.
Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan (ruled 1966-2004) Moved the royal residence to Al Manhal palace and kept his diwan at Qasr Al Hosn.
Sources: Jayanti Maitra, www.adach.ae
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How to report a beggar
Abu Dhabi – Call 999 or 8002626 (Aman Service)
Dubai – Call 800243
Sharjah – Call 065632222
Ras Al Khaimah - Call 072053372
Ajman – Call 067401616
Umm Al Quwain – Call 999
Fujairah - Call 092051100 or 092224411
Types of bank fraud
1) Phishing
Fraudsters send an unsolicited email that appears to be from a financial institution or online retailer. The hoax email requests that you provide sensitive information, often by clicking on to a link leading to a fake website.
2) Smishing
The SMS equivalent of phishing. Fraudsters falsify the telephone number through “text spoofing,” so that it appears to be a genuine text from the bank.
3) Vishing
The telephone equivalent of phishing and smishing. Fraudsters may pose as bank staff, police or government officials. They may persuade the consumer to transfer money or divulge personal information.
4) SIM swap
Fraudsters duplicate the SIM of your mobile number without your knowledge or authorisation, allowing them to conduct financial transactions with your bank.
5) Identity theft
Someone illegally obtains your confidential information, through various ways, such as theft of your wallet, bank and utility bill statements, computer intrusion and social networks.
6) Prize scams
Fraudsters claiming to be authorised representatives from well-known organisations (such as Etisalat, du, Dubai Shopping Festival, Expo2020, Lulu Hypermarket etc) contact victims to tell them they have won a cash prize and request them to share confidential banking details to transfer the prize money.
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How to protect yourself when air quality drops
Install an air filter in your home.
Close your windows and turn on the AC.
Shower or bath after being outside.
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UN Panel of Experts found regime secretly sold a fifth of the country's gold reserves.
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Cases filled with cash that was said to amount to $560m in 100 dollar notes, that was kept by a group of Libyans in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.
A second stash was said to have been held in Accra, Ghana, inside boxes at the local offices of an international human rights organisation based in France.
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Sukuk are Sharia-compliant financial certificates issued by governments, corporates and other entities. While as an asset class they resemble conventional bonds, there are some significant differences. As interest is prohibited under Sharia, sukuk must contain an underlying transaction, for example a leaseback agreement, and the income that is paid to investors is generated by the underlying asset. Investors must also be prepared to share in both the profits and losses of an enterprise. Nevertheless, sukuk are similar to conventional bonds in that they provide regular payments, and are considered less risky than equities. Most investors would not buy sukuk directly due to high minimum subscriptions, but invest via funds.
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