Aleppo merchants abandon a regime that fails on stability



Syrian businessmen are increasingly leaving the country in pursuit of markets to sell a backlog of goods stockpiled during the eight-month uprising. This month I met merchants who had rented shops in Istanbul’s bazaars to sell jewellery and fabric. Mostly from Aleppo and lured by the lack of entry visa requirements, these merchants are paying monthly rents the equivalent of $1,800 to $2,500 (Dh6,600 to Dh9,200) and selling goods worth hundreds of thousands of dirhams.

As the Arab League took its strongest stance yet against Damascus yesterday, it is clear that the Assad regime is severely weakened. Conversations I had with merchants also disproved the widespread belief that the business community is a bastion of support for the Baathist regime. The regime is trying to keep middle-class merchants out of the street movement. But the majority of traders in Aleppo, I was told, have become convinced that the only way for business to get back to normal is for the Assad regime to fall. Although such an attitude is understandable, it is – and will remain – passive.

This point of view has materialised only recently. About a month into the anti-regime protests, businessmen were directing their hostility towards the street movement as they began to feel the effects.

The protests have had a colossal impact on businesses in Aleppo, which is known as Syria’s industrial capital. The city’s main domestic market is Al Jazira region, which includes the governorates of Hasaka, Deir Al Zour and Raqqa. The city has about 32,000 industrial production centres, ranging from small businesses to major factories, but since it was named the “capital of Islamic culture” in 2006, businesses have shifted towards tourism and property. As money was invested in tourism, big hotel chains including the Carlton and Sheraton came to the city.

When I visited Aleppo a year ago, the Carlton Citadel Hotel had just opened. The hotel was built on the site of an old palace near the Aleppo Citadel, a well-known tourist attraction. Because of the protests, there are few tourists in the city and such hotels are losing million of dollars a year just in rents and maintenance. The slump in the tourism industry means that associated businesses are losing too. Other cities that Aleppo relied on as markets have become protest hot-spots. And wealthy people tend to hoard their wealth in times of unrest, instead of spending it on luxury items like jewellery.

A broad section of the wealthier classes had hoped that the regime would quell the protests quickly before business deteriorated further. But as the violence spread across the country and the death toll reached the thousands, hostility towards protesters began to turn into sympathy and pragmatism.

One of the merchants in Istanbul said leading business figures in Aleppo now want the regime to fall sooner rather than later.
Although it is unlikely that the silent wealthy class will join the protests, the new attitude strongly indicates that the protest movement has entered into a new phase: the beginning of the downfall of the regime.

It has long been argued that the Baathist regime holds power partly because of the loyalty of the business community. The argument is flawed. Businessmen who directly benefit from the regime are a small oligarchy. In recent years, the majority of businesses suffered in the same way that the agricultural sector did. Many businessmen in Aleppo, for example, closed down their factories after the government told them to relocate to a centralised industrial zone in 2009. The new zone barely accommodated half of the existing businesses.

Dissatisfaction within the business community is as deep as in the agricultural sector, which has been neglected by the regime for many years and suffered from inflation as "reforms" focused on raising the salaries of government employees.
It is not that the business community supported the Assads; if anything, it supported stability. It was passivity, not loyalty, that kept it outside the protest movement. It is also worth mentioning that a large number of merchants have quietly supported the opposition, whether inside the country or abroad.

Another fallacy is that the relative lack of unrest in Aleppo and Damascus reflected support for the regime. In fact, military repression has focused on these population centres, providing a powerful disincentive against taking to the streets.
But if the business class remains silent, as it seems probable it will, what is the significance of the new attitude? The change gained momentum almost at the same time the Syrian National Council was officially formed in October. The political situation in Syria had apparently reached a stalemate: protesters continued to take to the streets, and the regime continued its bloody crackdown. International pressure seemed to have no effect.

That stalemate meant that the regime had reached a glide state; it had lost control over much of the country, but kept on going because it had not been knocked off course. What was needed was a push. Just a few weeks ago, the opposition did not seem able to deliver, which was a recipe for a lasting stalemate and even economic disaster.

But for the first time since the protests began, the Syrian opposition now seems to have taken the lead. Burhan Ghalioun, the head of the Syrian National Council, gave a keynote speech before the Eid holidays outlining a vision for a post-Assad Syria. He said that the council would not rule out any option to topple the regime, potentially including foreign intervention. More importantly, the regime seems to have become more defensive and so will make more mistakes and anger more people inside Syria and within the regime itself.

For the regime to fall and the bloodshed to end, the opposition needs to keep pushing. The new attitude of the business community, the increasing international and Arab pressure on the regime, the military defections – even if in negligible numbers at present – and the persistence of protesters are all signs that the regime is slowly but surely slipping off the cliff.

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Attacks on Egypt’s long rooted Copts

Egypt’s Copts belong to one of the world’s oldest Christian communities, with Mark the Evangelist credited with founding their church around 300 AD. Orthodox Christians account for the overwhelming majority of Christians in Egypt, with the rest mainly made up of Greek Orthodox, Catholics and Anglicans.

The community accounts for some 10 per cent of Egypt’s 100 million people, with the largest concentrations of Christians found in Cairo, Alexandria and the provinces of Minya and Assiut south of Cairo.

Egypt’s Christians have had a somewhat turbulent history in the Muslim majority Arab nation, with the community occasionally suffering outright persecution but generally living in peace with their Muslim compatriots. But radical Muslims who have first emerged in the 1970s have whipped up anti-Christian sentiments, something that has, in turn, led to an upsurge in attacks against their places of worship, church-linked facilities as well as their businesses and homes.

More recently, ISIS has vowed to go after the Christians, claiming responsibility for a series of attacks against churches packed with worshippers starting December 2016.

The discrimination many Christians complain about and the shift towards religious conservatism by many Egyptian Muslims over the last 50 years have forced hundreds of thousands of Christians to migrate, starting new lives in growing communities in places as far afield as Australia, Canada and the United States.

Here is a look at major attacks against Egypt's Coptic Christians in recent years:

November 2: Masked gunmen riding pickup trucks opened fire on three buses carrying pilgrims to the remote desert monastery of St. Samuel the Confessor south of Cairo, killing 7 and wounding about 20. IS claimed responsibility for the attack.

May 26, 2017: Masked militants riding in three all-terrain cars open fire on a bus carrying pilgrims on their way to the Monastery of St. Samuel the Confessor, killing 29 and wounding 22. ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack.

April 2017Twin attacks by suicide bombers hit churches in the coastal city of Alexandria and the Nile Delta city of Tanta. At least 43 people are killed and scores of worshippers injured in the Palm Sunday attack, which narrowly missed a ceremony presided over by Pope Tawadros II, spiritual leader of Egypt Orthodox Copts, in Alexandria's St. Mark's Cathedral. ISIS claimed responsibility for the attacks.

February 2017: Hundreds of Egyptian Christians flee their homes in the northern part of the Sinai Peninsula, fearing attacks by ISIS. The group's North Sinai affiliate had killed at least seven Coptic Christians in the restive peninsula in less than a month.

December 2016A bombing at a chapel adjacent to Egypt's main Coptic Christian cathedral in Cairo kills 30 people and wounds dozens during Sunday Mass in one of the deadliest attacks carried out against the religious minority in recent memory. ISIS claimed responsibility.

July 2016Pope Tawadros II says that since 2013 there were 37 sectarian attacks on Christians in Egypt, nearly one incident a month. A Muslim mob stabs to death a 27-year-old Coptic Christian man, Fam Khalaf, in the central city of Minya over a personal feud.

May 2016: A Muslim mob ransacks and torches seven Christian homes in Minya after rumours spread that a Christian man had an affair with a Muslim woman. The elderly mother of the Christian man was stripped naked and dragged through a street by the mob.

New Year's Eve 2011A bomb explodes in a Coptic Christian church in Alexandria as worshippers leave after a midnight mass, killing more than 20 people.

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Skewed figures

In the village of Mevagissey in southwest England the housing stock has doubled in the last century while the number of residents is half the historic high. The village's Neighbourhood Development Plan states that 26% of homes are holiday retreats. Prices are high, averaging around £300,000, £50,000 more than the Cornish average of £250,000. The local average wage is £15,458. 

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THE LOWDOWN

Photograph

Rating: 4/5

Produced by: Poetic License Motion Pictures; RSVP Movies

Director: Ritesh Batra

Cast: Nawazuddin Siddiqui, Sanya Malhotra, Farrukh Jaffar, Deepak Chauhan, Vijay Raaz

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One in four Americans don't plan to retire

Nearly a quarter of Americans say they never plan to retire, according to a poll that suggests a disconnection between individuals' retirement plans and the realities of ageing in the workforce.

Experts say illness, injury, layoffs and caregiving responsibilities often force older workers to leave their jobs sooner than they'd like.

According to the poll from The Associated Press-NORC Centre for Public Affairs Research, 23 per cent of workers, including nearly two in 10 of those over 50, don't expect to stop working. Roughly another quarter of Americans say they will continue working beyond their 65th birthday.

According to government data, about one in five people 65 and older was working or actively looking for a job in June. The study surveyed 1,423 adults in February this year.

For many, money has a lot to do with the decision to keep working.

"The average retirement age that we see in the data has gone up a little bit, but it hasn't gone up that much," says Anqi Chen, assistant director of savings research at the Centre for Retirement Research at Boston College. "So people have to live in retirement much longer, and they may not have enough assets to support themselves in retirement."

When asked how financially comfortable they feel about retirement, 14 per cent of Americans under the age of 50 and 29 per cent over 50 say they feel extremely or very prepared, according to the poll. About another four in 10 older adults say they do feel somewhat prepared, while just about one-third feel unprepared. 

"One of the things about thinking about never retiring is that you didn't save a whole lot of money," says Ronni Bennett, 78, who was pushed out of her job as a New York City-based website editor at 63.

She searched for work in the immediate aftermath of her layoff, a process she describes as akin to "banging my head against a wall." Finding Manhattan too expensive without a steady stream of income, she eventually moved to Portland, Maine. A few years later, she moved again, to Lake Oswego, Oregon. "Sometimes I fantasise that if I win the lottery, I'd go back to New York," says Ms Bennett.

 

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The Way It Was: My Life with Frank Sinatra by Eliot Weisman and Jennifer Valoppi
Hachette Books